THE D.J.CI. AND CUP-CI PEACE PLAN PROPOSAL

The Côte d’Ivoire (CI), until recently a showcase for successful political and economic development in Africa, is currently being torn apart by violence. Its primary cause is the “ivoirité” policy of exclusion and intolerance that followed the death of President Felix Houphouët Boigny. This unjust policy deprives certain ethnic groups of equal citizenship rights, even if they have lived in the CI for generations. It has disrupted the country’s traditions of ethnic peace and tolerance and fomented armed conflict, which is driving Côte d’Ivoire toward political and economic ruin. Côte d’Ivoire is rapidly becoming a failed state—and as such a potential tinderbox, a situation that bodes ill for the rest of West Africa.  An increasing flow of Ivorians is seeking refuge in neighboring countries lacking the capacity to receive them, and who see their stability threatened by these developments.  The negative impact of the Ivorian conflict on their CFA common currency is also threatening the West African region economically.

The deterioration of the situation is reflected in the gradual increase in strength of measures adopted over the last two years by the United Nations Security Council Resolutions aiming to restore peace to the country.

Perpetuating the conflict is a body of manipulations that have deceived ethnic segments of the population into believing that other ethnic groups threaten their very existence. This deceit has been promulgated by the top members not only of the current ruling class, but also by their political challengers. The result is a perpetuation of ethnic violence. Thousands of young people who have been conscripted into the fighting, lost jobs, and now have no place else to turn are involved in it.

D.J.CI. (Diaspora and Youth of Côte d’Ivoire) and CUP-CI (Citizens for Unity and Peace in Cote d’Ivoire), free of entanglements with any of the warring partisans, and unaffiliated with outside parties that may seek to profit from the conflict, are proposing this document as one possible, and more realistic, solution to the CI conflict. This proposal is meant to encourage discussion leading to the eventual formulation and adoption of a Peace Plan that will restore unity, peace and prosperity to the Côte d’Ivoire.

D.J.CI. and CUP-CI are aware of the concerns and valuable efforts of members of the international community including the US and France, the UN, as well as of regional organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS to resolve the current conflict in the CI.  Recent initiatives by the U.N. Security Council and Secretary-General, the African Union, and South African President Thabo Mbeki, deserve special praise. 

However, we have little faith that these efforts, however well conceived and implemented they may be, will ultimately be able to succeed.

As Ivorians, free of links with any of the groups currently vying for dominance, we feel to have a sufficient understanding of the mind-set of current political actors to know that the international community’s expectation that the Linas Marcoussis and Accra Peace Agreements will be honored is not realistic, as we believe time will show. With the current Ivorean political actors, sustainable peace is not likely to be found along those lines. We are proposing a more inclusive process, more in tune with African traditions, which we feel to be a more effective road toward achieving the sustainable peace our people are longing for.

CUP-CI’s purpose, as expressed in its name, is to bring an end to the artificially induced political and military conflict in the Cote d’Ivoire, and to restore unity and peace to the country by establishing a democratic government that respects the rights of all Ivorians.

This proposal for a peace plan by D.J.CI. and CUP-CI calls on the citizens of Côte d’Ivoire to: (1) reject all attempts to divide the CI; (2) embrace a new vision for our country; and (3) support a phased plan for realizing that vision. Accordingly, the Plan broadly describes the ultimate and the interim governance that D.J.CI. and CUP-CI believe can restore Côte d’Ivoire to its inherent nature, and then lays out the major steps that need to be taken -- starting now-- to achieve that end. ­­

The document is organized into 5 sections, as follows:

1.   Brief description of D.J.CI. and CUP-CI

2.   Broad articulation of the shape of the eventual government for CI that D.J.CI./CUP-CI envision

3.   Identification of basic requirements for order restoration to enable implementation of this vision

4.   Proposal for a state-reconstruction transitional partnership government between Ivorians and the international community

5.   Steps to be implemented on the road to peace

1)   D.J.CI. and CUP-CI

D.J.CI. is an umbrella organization bringing together a wide range of Ivorian civil society groups. It was initiated by the Ivorean diáspora together with members of the local Ivorean better-educated youth. CUP-CI is a fast-growing citizens movement in the Ivory Coast. Both are committed to total ethnic and religious inclusiveness. They aim to: (1) end the current artificially generated political violence, and (2) educate the population about the changes needed to develop a genuine democracy based on national unity.

These organizations were initiated by younger Ivorians, --under the leadership of Mr. Modeste G. Seri-- whose education and exposure to other cultures had alerted them to the ruinous consequences of the ethnic and religious inequities currently being fostered by the current political leaders.

Today, D.J.CI. and CUP-CI include and welcome Ivorians of all ethnicities and classes who seek a democratic, inclusive, and ethnically tolerant society for CI.

2)   D.J.CI. and CUP-CI’s Vision for Governance in CI

D.J.CI. and CUP-CI’s vision for the Côte d’Ivoire is one of inclusive democracy; responsible, clean, and transparent governance; respect for the rule of law; economic pragmatism; and close cooperation, both regionally within the country and internationally. D.J.CI. and CUP-CI also envision a democratic model that incorporates time-tested Ivorian and African concepts and traditions.

Some of the most important features of the model for CI governance envisioned by D.J.CI. and CUP-CI are:

a)   Ethnic inclusiveness. Aware of the important contribution of past immigration to the development of the CI, D.J.CI./CUP-CI place a high priority on fostering a climate of ethnic inclusiveness and equal rights for all citizens. This, of course, includes gender equality in all respects. D.J.CI./CUP-CI do not acknowledge the existence of any legal differences among those holding Ivorian citizenship.   

b)   Substantial regional autonomy under federalism. Because each of the five ethnically distinct geographic regions that comprise the country has differing needs and conditions, D.J.CI./CUP-CI believe they should be able to govern themselves, within the larger framework of the nation of Côte d’Ivoire, in a way that reflects the interests of their citizenry and culture. The regions must be set up in a way that respects the integrity of each one without disadvantaging any of the others. To D.J.CI./CUP-CI a federal state structure appears most appropriate for the country.

c)   Traditional Ivorian values. “Allons à l’arbre à palabre” expresses a commitment to a deliberate process of collaborative problem solving, in which no decision is taken until all relevant viewpoints have been aired and understood. This respectful and thoughtful way of handling the challenges of life has served our people well for a long time. It will do so again, especially in the painstaking work of rebuilding our state institutions and healing the wounds of war.

d)   An educated citizenry.  No democracy can long stand unless its people insist that their elected officials adhere to the principles of its Constitution. Before Ivorians go to the polls, they must be reached and informed by a powerful educational campaign that instructs them on the rights and duties of democratic life. In addition, the last decade of violence and instability has robbed this generation’s youth of the education needed to hold jobs, create small businesses, and take full charge of their own well-being. A populace that knows only fighting cannot create a healthy and peaceful society. This makes providing job and literacy training to members of the warring militias an urgent priority.

e)   A commitment to healing the wounds of war. The wounds of war include post-traumatic stress disorder, which is a prolonged subconscious shock state that erodes physical, mental, and emotional well-being. War wounds also include the hatreds that are generated by each side’s violence against the other. South Africa has modeled a powerful process for healing those kinds of wounds. The CI should be inspired by this example. 

f)     A living Constitution written for the good of all parties and born of genuine, inclusive, and ongoing dialog truly expressing the needs and dreams of the Ivorian people.  A federal structure would address the differing needs of the regions, while providing the cohesion that lends strength to the nation as a whole.

g)   A solid economy. Cote d’Ivoire, being rich in natural resources, situated on the sea, and blessed with an educated and diligent citizenry, has most of the essential factors required to support a thriving economy. To achieve our economic potential we urgently need to establish peace.  We need to prevent selfish leaders from exploiting our national resources for their personal benefit at the expense of the nation.  We need to eradicate corruption and establish a strong and ethical rule of law to attract foreign investment to assist our development. An important additional part of creating this solid economy will also include reparations to those who have lost so much through war.

3)   Critical Needs To Meet In Realizing This Vision

There are many important needs that must be met to implement the vision of D.J.CI./ CUP-CI for the CI. At this moment four main needs stand out: (a) the need for a change in Ivorian leadership; (b) the need for international peace keeping assistance; (c) the need for economic stabilization and development; and (c) the need for thoroughness and patience in state building.

a)     The Need for a Change in Ivorian Leadership

D.J.CI./CUP-CI assert that creating a sustainable peace with any of the current leadership in place is unlikely. Through their actions these leaders have made themselves unsuitable for public office. They have proven themselves opposed to peace, amplifying ethnic, racial, and religious violence, and threatening the survival of the state.  The introduction and exploitation of the exclusive nefarious concept of ‘Ivorité’, primarily as a tool for personal political gain, has thrown our country into its current course of self-destruction.

No party has evidenced any real commitment to the Linas Marcoussis and Accra Peace Agreements-- measures taken by the international community as the key to reestablish peace in the country.

From the consultations it has conducted, D.J.CI./CUP-CI are aware that a significant segment of the Ivorian population concurs with these assessments, and longs for a peaceful and fundamental change. 

b)    The Need for International Peace-Keeping Assistance 

Solving the current situation and laying a deep foundation for authentic peace and stability requires a thorough overhaul of the Ivorian political system. That would be a formidable job under the best of circumstances. Today, given the array of opponents against peace, and the anger, pain, destruction, and divisions caused by over a decade of violence, D.J.CI./CUP-CI believe the situation has passed the point where our country can heal itself without outside help from the international community. 

D.J.CI./CUP-CI believe that failing to ask for such international help carries unacceptable risks. Without it we face almost certain total destruction. The threats are from within as well as from beyond our borders, as further escalation of the conflict may provoke intervention from some of our neighbors.

The outside assistance we require can only be provided through the United Nations. Even if no sovereign country willingly invites foreign intervention into its affairs, D.J.CI./CUP-CI are of the view that the Côte d’Ivoire has no other option at the present time, if we wish to successfully correct the damage done to our country by the conflict of the past years, so that we can lay the foundations for the success we feel our country is able to achieve.

With that stipulation, we are not afraid to say, we require a sufficiently strong U.N. peace enforcing and peace keeping presence in CI at this time. Accordingly, we recommend increasing U.N. peacekeeping troops to levels sufficient to control the pro-Gbagbo militias, the ‘Ivorian Youth’ militias or Jeunes Patriotes, and the government armed forces and keep them separate from rebel forces. We trust that the convenience of a unified U.N. Command for all foreign troops will be evident. 

D.J.CI./CUP-CI welcome the strengthening of U.N. military involvement as stipulated by U.N. Security Council Resolution 1527 (2004), and the sanctions to be imposed by Security Council Resolution 1572 (2004).

Experience in other conflict situations has proven that merely separating combatants is only the beginning of what is needed to construct a sustainable peace. A reconstruction process must also provide civic education, a national reconciliation process, and combatant demobilization. But even this alone will be insufficient. The damage done to our society and to our state institutions is such that we also require entering into a temporary partnership with the international community to assist us to manage our state reconstruction process and set the conditions for our economic recovery. Bringing outside help will make available valuable expert experience that will benefit the CI enormously. Such a process will require us to accept that our full sovereignty needs to be temporarily placed in abeyance.

c)     The Need for Economic Stabilization and Development

Historically fertile and wealthy in natural resources, CI has enjoyed an excellent economy based on produce exports. With peace and stability, there is no reason why we should not have that again. Providing a hospitable climate to restore CI as a prime West African destination for foreign investment requires policies that ensure legal certainty, clean governance, appropriate administrative regulations, bureaucratic efficiency, and fiscal incentives. In addition, government policy should ensure that economic activity is sustainable and environmentally friendly, and that it contributes to social development and the equitable distribution of wealth. It should also favor the economic interaction and integration of CI with its regional neighbors in West Africa, no less than the world beyond.

In this crucial time, it is also important to devote sufficient effort to reintegrating into the society those who have been combatants in the recent conflicts. It must be clearly understood that these are people who have been frightened and incited to violence by lying and power-hungry political leaders manipulating for their own profit. They have been robbed of their educational opportunities and these must be restored to them insofar as it is possible to do so. They have an important role to play to regenerate this country and it is crucial that we do all that is necessary to equip them for that important task.

d)    The Need for Thoroughness in State-building

This document has already outlined the basics of the governmental structures we envision, but this point bears repeating:

Following a thorough approach to constructing stable and effective state institutions is crucial to realizing the potential of CI to develop into a successful and prosperous democracy. No superficial or cosmetic substitute will do. We must make clear to outside benefactors, the international community that the cost of an unstable CI vastly outweighs the short-term costs required to do a proper job at the outset.

With adequate support, CI’s prospects for success are excellent. Historically open, tolerant, and friendly toward immigrants until incited into ethnic violence, CI welcomed large numbers of industrious and enterprising immigrants from the region and as far a field as West Asia and Europe.  All of these communities, as citizens and permanent residents, helped to create one of the most dynamic economies of West Africa. There is no reason why this success cannot be repeated and expanded in future.

*   *   *

Realizing the vision described and meeting these needs will require a two-phase transitional strategy:

(1)   a peace-enforcing international intervention, and

(2)   the establishment of a state-reconstruction transition government in partnership with the international community.

The remainder of this document outlines the Transitional Government as D.J.CI./CUP-CI  envision it, and then specifies major next steps required to reach our vision.

4)   A Transitional Government for Cote d’Ivoire

D.J.CI./CUP-CI envisage the formation under a Security Council mandate of a Transitional Government of the Côte d’Ivoire (TG-CI) bringing together Ivoreans in partnership with the international community. Members of this government would be local and diaspora Ivoreans of proven competence and integrity, who were not tainted by their involvement with any of the conflicting parties. 

The state-reconstruction of the CI could be a suitable undertaking for a new Peace Building Commission of the UN, should it come into being. (Its creation --deemed necessary in order to deal with a growing number of post-conflict situations such as the one in the Côte d’Ivoire-- was recommended by the Secretary-General commissioned High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change in December 2004). The propitious conditions existing in the CI suggest that such a project could lead to a successful result, setting a valuable precedent for other cases in need of peace building success.

As D.J.CI./CUP-CI envision it, the TG-CI would identify five regions (North, West, Center, East and South, corresponding to the major ethnic and economic divisions of the country) and then set up an administrative system that is decentralized enough to provide maximum local autonomy consistent with the integrity of the nation. As soon as this system is in place, planners will begin laying the foundation for a future federal government structure for the country that the people will certify when voting on a new Constitution, to be written by representatives of all citizens of CI.

The proposed Transitional Government of the Côte d’Ivoire would include representatives of all ethnic and religious groups and comprise these elements:

§         Presidium: The highest executive authority in the country approved by the U.N. Security Council.

§         Ministerial Cabinet: A small Executive comprised of qualified Ivorian professionals.

§         Legislature: Initially, legislative duties would be performed by an Advisory Council appointed by the Presidium, composed of Ivorian citizens of good standing and professional competence. As soon as feasible, after sufficient civic education has been provided to the population, citizens would elect part of a transitional National Legislature.

§         Judiciary: To strongly eradicate existing corruption, and ensure professionalism devoid of political, ethnic and religious militancy, judges of proven competence and integrity must be appointed by the Presidium. Strong emphasis to be placed on capacity building of the judiciary apparatus. 

§         Bureaucracy:  Would seek to employ local personnel to the greatest extent possible, and emphasize capacity building.

§         Military FDS (Ivorian Forces of Defense and Security): Under the command of the Presidium. With the assistance of international advisors, the Ivorian military and security forces will need to be restructured for improved capacity.

Bringing this democratization process to a successful conclusion will require a firm commitment of time, international funding, and international investment in CI. The transitional government must operate long enough to achieve the reconciliation and state-strengthening objectives. Once hostilities have ceased and investment begins flowing back into the country, use of our own natural resources should be able to generate the necessary funding; until then, we must rely on our international benefactors. Naturally, every effort will be made to minimize costs. 

5)   Proposed Steps On The Road To Peace

1.      Implementation of Security Council Res. 1572:

a.      Impose a 13- months embargo on arms and other supplies.

b.      Restrict movement of persons and funds that threaten CI peace as determined by the Committee set up under paragraph 14 of the Resolution.  This should apply to both government officers and opposition leaders.

2.      Augment the number of peace-enforcement forces under U.N. Command.

3.      Encourage the three current top political leaders to retire from political life for the good of the country.

4.      Mount a nationwide information effort to enroll the population and members of the political elite into accepting the idea of a state-reconstruction transitional government in partnership with the UN.

a.      Hold a comprehensive unity conference of leaders of all main youth factions to discuss current crisis and propose solutions, including the establishment of a transitional government.

b.      Immediately following the youth conference, launch an intensive 3-month campaign to reach the entire country with information about the true background to the artificially instigated current CI conflict. The purpose of this campaign is to empower the people to resist further incitements to foment communal violence.

5.      With CUP-CI providing leadership, bring together other important civil society organizations to draw up and conduct a massive nationwide drive for signatures on a petition demanding the resignation of President Gbagbo and installation of a CI Transitional Government in partnership with the international community.

6.      Appeal to and encourage President Gbagbo to resign as an indication of his commitment to the higher good of the country. 

7.      Appoint a Transitional Government answerable to the U.N. Security Council.  Initially for two years, extendable if so required.

8.      Set up and make operational all TG-CI branches and institutions

a.      Conduct intense national reconciliation campaigns and activities.

b.      Reintegrate combatants by assessing needs, formulating educational programs, and arranging for micro-credit facilities to support new businesses.

c.      Launch intensive efforts to build capacity in all areas of governance.

d.      Improve basic human health, education services.

e.      Promoting domestic and foreign investment-led economic development.

f.        Establish intense civic education programs.

9.      Hold elections for interim regional and central legislative assemblies to function during the TG-CI phase.

10.  Select the members of the new Constitutional Commission and get them to begin work, making sure the resulting document reflects a genuine commitment to the well being of all constituents of the country.

11.  Hold a nationwide referendum to ratify the Constitution.

12.  Conduct national elections as stipulated by the Constitution.

13.  Hold the ceremony to return full sovereignty to the new elected CI government (Expected to happen some time late in 2007).

December 22, 2004

D.J.CI. and CUP-CI
President Modeste G. Seri
Email: movD.J.CI.@aol.com
Tel/Fax: 212-283-8660